According to his LinkedIn profile, Mahmoud Khalil worked as a Political Affairs Officer with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) in New York from June to November 2023. Before that, he held roles in international development, including positions with the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office in Lebanon, where he managed the Syria Chevening Program (a UK government scholarship scheme) and worked on projects related to accountability, justice, and gender equality in Syria. He also earned a Bachelor’s degree in Computer Science from the Lebanese American University in Beirut while working with Syrian refugees through a nonprofit.
Khalil was a key figure in the pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University, particularly as a lead negotiator for Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD) during the Gaza Solidarity Encampment protests in the spring of 2024. This role involved organizing and negotiating with university administrators on behalf of student protesters, which suggests his primary focus in the months leading up to his detention was activism rather than traditional employment. Reports indicate he had been suspended from Columbia in April 2024 for his protest activities, though the suspension was reversed the next day due to lack of evidence, and he continued his activism thereafter.
There is no clear evidence in the available sources that he was actively employed in a job in the United States immediately prior to his arrest. Instead, his activities centered around his role as a graduate student and his prominent involvement in pro-Palestinian activism on Columbia’s campus.
UNRWA, where Khalil served as a Political Affairs Officer in New York from June to November 2023, is a UN agency primarily funded by voluntary contributions from member states, including the United States, which has historically been its largest donor. Between 1950 and 2024, the U.S. contributed over $7 billion to UNRWA, often channeled through the Department of State rather than USAID directly. However, USAID has intersected with UNRWA’s work in the Palestinian territories through broader U.S. foreign assistance programs. For instance, USAID’s West Bank and Gaza Program, which provided nearly $575 million in fiscal year 2008 alone, has focused on humanitarian and development projects that complement UNRWA’s efforts, such as improving water infrastructure and community services for Palestinian refugees—the same population UNRWA serves.
While USAID does not directly fund UNRWA (that role falls to the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration), the two entities’ missions overlap significantly in the region. USAID partners with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), contractors, and international organizations to deliver aid, and UNRWA’s extensive infrastructure—employing 30,000 Palestinians and managing schools, clinics, and aid distribution—makes it a key player in the ecosystem USAID supports. A 2009 GAO report on Palestinian aid programs highlights how USAID and UNRWA operate in parallel, with USAID funding projects like water networks and UNRWA providing direct services, both subject to U.S. anti-terrorism vetting requirements. This suggests a functional, if indirect, connection: Khalil’s employer, UNRWA, operates within a U.S.-funded aid framework where USAID plays a significant role, even if the dollars don’t flow directly from USAID to UNRWA.
Additionally, Khalil’s UNRWA role in New York likely involved coordination with U.S.-based stakeholders, given the U.S.’s outsized funding role. USAID’s partnerships with other UN agencies (e.g., UNICEF, World Food Programme) in Gaza, especially after the U.S. paused UNRWA funding in 2024 due to allegations of staff ties to Hamas, further illustrate this interconnected aid network. When Congress banned direct UNRWA funding through March 2025 (per the 2024 Appropriations Act), USAID redirected funds to these alternative UN entities, which often collaborate with UNRWA on the ground, maintaining an operational link.
No evidence suggests Khalil personally interacted with USAID-funded projects during his UNRWA tenure, as his role was New York-based and short-term. However, his employment with UNRWA ties him to an organization embedded in a U.S. aid system where USAID is a major player. This connection is structural rather than direct—UNRWA’s reliance on U.S. support and its alignment with USAID’s regional goals create a nexus, albeit one step removed from USAID’s own funding pipeline.
In contrast, Khalil’s FCDO work in Lebanon (pre-2023) involved managing the Chevening Scholarship and Syria-related projects, funded by the UK government, not USAID. While USAID and FCDO sometimes co-fund development initiatives globally, no specific link emerges here tied to Khalil’s role.
The strongest connection lies with UNRWA: Khalil worked for an agency historically reliant on U.S. funding, operating alongside USAID-supported efforts in the Palestinian territories, within a broader U.S. foreign assistance framework. 17GEN4.com
Comments